Governance Failure and Democratic Decay in Pakistan (2008–2013):
A
Critical Analysis of the Zardari Era
Abstract
The presidency of Asif Ali Zardari
(2008–2013) marked Pakistan’s transition from military rule to civilian
governance. This period was widely expected to restore democratic norms,
strengthen institutions, and stabilize the economy. Instead, Pakistan
experienced deepening corruption, economic decline, governance paralysis, and
erosion of public trust. This paper critically examines the Zardari era through
the lenses of constitutional practice, political economy, institutional
performance, and democratic legitimacy. It argues that poor leadership choices,
systemic corruption, and the prioritization of political survival over national
interest inflicted lasting damage on Pakistan’s state capacity and democratic
credibility.
1.
Introduction
Pakistan’s return to civilian rule
in 2008 occurred amid extraordinary circumstances: political instability,
terrorism, economic crisis, and the assassination of Benazir Bhutto. Asif Ali
Zardari assumed the presidency not through a direct popular mandate but through a parliamentary election, raising immediate concerns about legitimacy and
leadership capacity. While the transition itself was historically significant,
the subsequent governance record raises serious questions regarding democratic
consolidation and state performance.
This research evaluates the Zardari
presidency as a case study of democratic failure caused not by the absence of
elections, but by misgovernance under an elected leadership.
2.
Methodology and Sources
This study employs a qualitative
analytical approach, relying on:
- Parliamentary debates
- Supreme Court judgments
- Auditor-General reports
- Economic surveys
- Scholarly books and peer-reviewed articles.
3.
Ascension to Power and Legitimacy Deficit
Zardari’s rise to the presidency was
largely facilitated by political sympathy following Benazir Bhutto’s
assassination rather than personal credibility or public trust. His past
association with corruption cases significantly weakened the moral authority of
the office he occupied. Scholars argue that leadership legitimacy is essential
for democratic consolidation; without it, governance becomes transactional and
defensive.¹
The presidency increasingly
functioned as a political command center, not a constitutional symbol of
unity.
4.
Institutionalized Corruption and Accountability Collapse
4.1
The National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO)
The NRO, validated temporarily
during this era, effectively suspended corruption cases against political
elites. The Supreme Court later declared it unconstitutional, holding that it
violated equality before the law.² The damage, however, had already been done:
public confidence in accountability institutions collapsed.
4.2
Administrative Consequences
Transparency International
consistently ranked Pakistan among the most corrupt countries during this
period.³ Bureaucratic decision-making became risk-averse or rent-seeking,
resulting in poor service delivery and stalled development projects.
5.
Economic Mismanagement and Fiscal Fragility
5.1
Rising Debt and IMF Dependence
Between 2008 and 2013, Pakistan’s
public debt increased dramatically. The government relied heavily on IMF
bailout programs without undertaking structural reforms.⁴ This dependency
reduced fiscal sovereignty and burdened future governments.
5.2
Inflation and Poverty
Food inflation reached double
digits, while unemployment rose steadily.⁵ The absence of coherent economic
planning worsened income inequality and weakened social cohesion.
6.
Energy Crisis and Industrial Decline
Pakistan’s energy crisis deepened
significantly during this period. Circular debt escalated due to poor
governance, power theft, and delayed reforms.⁶ Manufacturing output declined,
and foreign investment fell sharply. The failure to invest in long-term energy
solutions represents one of the most economically damaging legacies of the
Zardari era.
7.
Federalism, the 18th Amendment, and Governance Failure
While the 18th Constitutional
Amendment restored parliamentary supremacy and provincial autonomy, its
implementation lacked administrative preparedness.⁷ Provinces received powers
without effective accountability frameworks, leading to governance breakdown,
particularly in Sindh.
Karachi’s law-and-order collapse,
deteriorating public services, and political violence exemplified this
failure.⁸
8.
Law, Order, and Internal Security
The period witnessed increased
terrorism, sectarian violence, and targeted killings. While militancy pre-dated
2008, weak political resolve and fragmented governance limited the state’s
response. Analysts note that political interference in policing severely
undermined counter-terrorism efforts.⁹
9.
Foreign Policy Drift and Sovereignty Erosion
Pakistan’s foreign policy lacked
coherence, marked by over-reliance on the United States and inability to
prevent violations of sovereignty, including drone strikes.¹⁰ Parliamentary
oversight of foreign affairs remained weak, reinforcing perceptions of
compromised independence.
10.
Democratic Disillusionment and Long-Term Impact
Perhaps the most damaging
consequence of the Zardari era was the erosion of faith in democracy itself.
When elected governments perform worse than authoritarian regimes in public
perception, democratic legitimacy suffers.¹¹ Political cynicism, institutional
mistrust, and voter alienation remain enduring legacies.
11.
Conclusion
The Zardari presidency stands as a
cautionary example of how democratic rule can fail without ethical leadership,
institutional reform, and public accountability. Despite historic
opportunities, governance during the period of 2008–2013 deepened Pakistan’s political,
economic, and institutional crises.
This paper concludes that the damage
inflicted during this era was not accidental but structural, rooted in
corruption, mismanagement, and prioritization of political survival over
national interest. The consequences continue to shape Pakistan’s fragile
democracy.
Footnotes
1.
Christophe Jaffrelot, Pakistan at
the Crossroads (Columbia University Press, 2016) 112–114.
2.
Dr Mobashir
Hassan v Federation of Pakistan,
PLD 2010 SC 265, 312–315.
3.
Transparency International, Corruption
Perceptions Index 2012 (TI 2012) 4–6.
4.
Government of Pakistan, Economic
Survey of Pakistan 2012–13 (Ministry of Finance 2013) 89–92.
5.
State Bank of Pakistan, Annual
Report 2012 (SBP 2012) 37–40.
6.
Ahmad Faruqui, ‘Pakistan’s Power
Crisis’ (2011) 30 Energy Policy 230–233.
7.
Hamid Khan, Constitutional and
Political History of Pakistan (3rd edn, OUP 2017) 412–418.
8.
International Crisis Group, Karachi:
The State of the City (Asia Report No 194, 2010) 9–15.
9.
Hassan Abbas, Pakistan’s Drift
into Extremism (Routledge 2014) 167–171.
10.
Tariq Ali, The Duel: Pakistan on
the Flight Path of American Power (Simon & Schuster 2008) 214–218.
11.
Dietrich Reetz, ‘Democracy and
Legitimacy in Pakistan’ (2013) 52 Asian Survey 336–339.